A violent migrant gang’s reign of terror on Queens’ Roosevelt Avenue has finally been crushed by federal authorities. Eight members of the 18th Street gang’s “54 Tiny Locos” faction were arrested, facing racketeering charges for brutal assaults, drug trafficking, and extortion, as Fox News reports. The bust exposes the chaos unleashed by unchecked migration and progressive inaction.
In a multi-agency takedown, the FBI, NYPD, and others dismantled the gang’s grip on a two-mile commercial strip notorious for crime and prostitution. The 18th Street gang, formed by Mexican immigrants in 1960s Los Angeles, filled a void left by the dismantled Tren de Aragua, terrorizing locals with stabbings, beatings, and fake passport schemes. Seven of the eight suspects are unauthorized migrants, highlighting border security failures.
The gang’s turf, a seedy Roosevelt Avenue corridor, has long been a crime magnet, worsened by the migrant crisis. Locals liken it to a third-world flea market, with sidewalks packed by sex workers and vendors peddling stolen goods. After Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s town hall, Fox News Digital counted at least 30 women soliciting sex on a single block.
In December 2021, three suspects savagely attacked two victims outside a bar, smashing one’s head with a tequila bottle, causing nerve damage. The gang’s cruelty knew no bounds, as they extorted businesses and dealt drugs to maintain dominance. “The suspects are accused of unleashing terror onto Queens communities,” said Queens District Attorney Melinda Katz, though her words ring hollow against years of neglect.
By January 2022, the gang’s violence escalated, with two suspects pinning a victim for a lung-piercing stabbing while another was beaten with planks. Such savagery thrived under the watch of progressive leaders who downplayed the crisis. Local calls for FBI and DEA action were ignored until the situation became undeniable.
In a subsequent attack, the gang beat a man with a bike lock and a metal chair, mistaking him for a rival. This assault, part of a pattern, underscored the gang’s reckless control over Roosevelt Avenue. The indictment, unsealed in June, finally brought accountability, but only after years of community suffering.
The 18th Street gang marked their turf with insignia, turning the strip into a “gangland,” as local leaders warned. Former Democrat state Sen. Hiram Monserrate called it “international organized crime,” criticizing the silence of elected officials. His plea for action shames those who prioritized optics over safety.
“Those arrested… acted and behaved with callous and cruel disregard,” said FBI Assistant Director Christopher Raia. Yet, the gang’s rise was enabled by a migrant crisis that officials like Ocasio-Cortez failed to address. Raia’s commitment to crushing gangs is welcome, but prevention demands tougher policies.
NYPD Deputy Mayor Kaz Daughtry admitted prostitution has plagued the area since the 1990s, worsened by migrants drawn to its Latin American population. His candor exposes the folly of sanctuary city policies that attract chaos. Roosevelt Avenue’s decline is a case study in progressive mismanagement.
In October, Mayor Eric Adams launched Operation Restore Roosevelt, deploying over 200 officers to curb crime. The operation reduced crime by 29%, a rare win for a city drowning in soft-on-crime policies. Police raids shut down 15 brothels, including a squalid “bodega brothel” near schools, highlighting the strip’s depravity.
The “bodega brothel” featured cramped rooms divided by shower curtains, a grim symbol of the area’s decay. Several other brothels were shuttered, but the scale of the problem demands sustained effort. Adams’ operation is a step, but federal intervention was the real game-changer.
The suspects -- Felix Bonilla Ramos, Uriel Lopez, Refugio Martinez, Margarito Ortega, Orlando Ramirez, German Rodriguez, David Vasquez Corona, and Marco Vidal Mendez -- now face justice. Only Rodriguez has legal status, a stark reminder of border enforcement’s necessity. One suspect also faces charges for illegally possessing a 9mm pistol, compounding the threat.
“Public safety must always be a top priority,” said Rep. Grace Meng, stating the obvious after years of inaction. Her call for accountability feels like political cover when communities begged for help. Roosevelt Avenue’s residents deserve leaders who act before crises explode.
The multi-agency effort involved the FBI, U.S. Attorney’s Office, and others, proving federal resolve can succeed where local leadership falters. The gang’s fake passports, counterfeit currency, and firearms trafficking endangered countless lives. Such crimes flourish when borders are porous and enforcement is lax.
Roosevelt Avenue’s liberation from the 18th Street gang is a victory, but the fight isn’t over. Progressive policies that coddle crime and ignore migration’s consequences must end. Until then, communities will remain vulnerable to the next gang waiting to pounce.
Joe Biden’s 2024 campaign leaned so heavily on teleprompters that even cozy donor gatherings felt like scripted TV reruns. Supporters who shelled out thousands for a personal touch were left fuming, and the reliance on canned speeches painted a troubling picture of a president tightly controlled by aides. The book 2024: How Trump Retook the White House and the Democrats Lost America exposes this and more, revealing a campaign scrambling to mask Biden’s fading vigor, as Fox News reports.
The book, penned by Josh Dawsey, Tyler Pager, and Isaac Arnsdorf, details Biden’s 2024 bid, where teleprompters became his crutch at nearly every event, including small ones. Donors expected candid chats but got robotic recitations, sparking frustration and questions about Biden’s ability to connect. It’s a far cry from the folksy charm Democrats once sold.
At a California fundraiser, Biden read from a teleprompter in a mansion’s open kitchen, addressing just 30 people. “He once read from a teleprompter in front of thirty people in the open kitchen of a Palo Alto mansion,” the book notes. Donors, who paid dearly for intimacy, felt cheated by this mechanical display, as if Biden couldn’t muster a single unscripted word.
The book mentions “teleprompter” a dozen times, mostly highlighting Biden’s dependence and staff fears of unscripted moments due to his health. Aides claimed the device kept the famously chatty president on schedule, but this excuse rings hollow. It’s less about time management and more about hiding a leader struggling to keep up.
“For most of the campaign, Biden only ever spoke with the assistance of a teleprompter, even for small private audiences,” the book states. This wasn’t just a quirk -- it was a strategy to avoid gaffes and mask Biden’s decline. The result? A campaign that felt staged, alienating even loyal supporters.
White House event planners doubled down, scripting every appearance to eliminate surprises. “If the president was going to speak, he would go to the podium, deliver remarks from a teleprompter, and leave,” the book reveals. Spontaneity was sacrificed, leaving Biden looking like a wind-up toy, not a leader.
Biden’s physical stumbles, like a public fall at a 2023 commencement, prompted staff to devise plans to prevent repeats. Some aides noted his aging, with Biden failing to recognize former staff at events. This isn’t just “physical decline,” as aides insisted -- it’s a red flag for a president in over his head.
Special counsel Robert Hur’s February 2024 report didn’t help, calling Biden “a sympathetic, well-meaning, elderly man with a poor memory.” That description, from a report rejecting criminal charges over classified materials, fueled claims of mental decline that dogged Biden since 2020. Democrats dismissed it, but the label stuck.
By June 2024, Biden’s debate against Donald Trump was a disaster -- tripping over words, speaking softly, and losing his train of thought. Democratic Party criticism erupted, with even allies admitting the performance was indefensible. The debate exposed what teleprompters had long concealed: a president struggling under pressure.
Days after the debate, Biden attended a campaign event at Rep. Dan Beyer’s Virginia home, notably without a teleprompter. “At Beyer’s house, the campaign was eager to prove Biden could speak off the cuff,” the book explains. But his six-minute speech, blaming a heavy travel schedule for the debate flop, only deepened doubts about his stamina.
Biden’s team kept access to him tightly controlled, limiting meetings to small groups. Aides insisted his decline was purely physical, but their overprotective measures suggested otherwise. It’s hard to trust a campaign that treats its candidate like a fragile antique.
The book reveals that staff went to great lengths to shield Biden, avoiding unscripted settings that might expose his weaknesses. This wasn’t leadership -- it was stage management. Voters deserved a president, not a puppet reading lines.
In July 2024, Biden announced his withdrawal from the 2024 race via a social media post on a Sunday afternoon. He endorsed Vice President Kamala Harris, leaving her just over 100 days to campaign. Harris’ bid flopped, unable to rally enough support against Trump.
Fox News Digital sought comment from Biden’s office on the book’s claims but received no reply. The silence speaks volumes, as does the campaign’s reliance on teleprompters to prop up a faltering candidate. It’s a damning portrait of a presidency that lost its way.
The book’s release on Tuesday lays bare a campaign built on smoke and mirrors, with Biden’s teleprompter as the star. Donors, voters, and even Democrats deserved better than a scripted shell of a leader. America noticed -- and moved on.
The Senate Leadership Fund is flexing serious financial muscle, raking in a jaw-dropping $85 million in just the first half of 2025, as Axios reports. This conservative juggernaut is leaving its woke opponents in the dust, proving the GOP base is fired up and ready to reclaim the Senate. No surprise -- patriots are tired of progressive overreach.
The Senate Leadership Fund (SLF) and its affiliate, One Nation, smashed records with $85 million raised, doubling the $38 million from 2023’s same period while holding $83 million in cash on hand. SLF alone boasts $29 million in reserves, triple its 2023 amount and five times 2021’s. This haul signals a red wave brewing for the 2026 midterms.
SLF’s fundraising surge comes fresh off Senate Majority Leader John Thune’s ascent to GOP leadership. The South Dakota senator’s influence is galvanizing donors, unlike the tired progressive promises of equity and handouts. Thune’s no-nonsense approach is a welcome antidote to Senate gridlock.
A new guard is steering SLF, with executive director Alex Latcham and former Sen. Cory Gardner taking the helm. Gone is Steven Law, a McConnell loyalist, signaling a shift toward a bolder, Trump-aligned strategy. This change has donors opening their wallets wider than ever.
“We’re working with [the White House] to identify and vet Senate candidates,” Latcham boasted. Coordination with the White House? That’s code for rallying Trump’s loyal base, not pandering to the establishment or woke elites.
SLF isn’t waiting for the usual post-Labor Day spending spree. The group is already dropping cash in Georgia, North Carolina, Maine, Alaska, and Nebraska, with Texas next on the list. Early investment shows they’re serious about crushing Democrat hopes before they even start.
In Texas, SLF is gearing up to back Sen. John Cornyn, who’s lagging behind Attorney General Ken Paxton in primary polls. Paxton’s populist fire resonates, but SLF’s ad buy aims to keep Cornyn competitive. It’s a smart move to avoid a costly primary bloodbath.
SLF’s strategy includes mobilizing Trump supporters, who often skip midterms. Latcham’s plan to energize this bloc could flip swing states, countering the left’s obsession with identity politics. Conservatives are betting on patriotism over progressive platitudes.
“Discussions with the White House about 2026 come at a ‘regular cadence,’” Latcham told Axios. Regular talks with the White House mean SLF is locked in with Trump’s team, not chasing approval from coastal elites. This alignment is pure political gold.
SLF is tapping unconventional donors, like the crypto community, to fuel its war chest. “Obviously, you’ve got the crypto community, which is more engaged in politics,” Latcham noted. Unlike the left’s reliance on Hollywood cash, SLF’s donor pool is diverse and forward-thinking.
The group is also pivoting to streaming and digital ads to reach younger voters and cord-cutters. While Democrats push divisive narratives, SLF is meeting voters where they are -- on platforms free from mainstream media spin. It’s a savvy play for the digital age.
SLF’s $83 million cash reserve dwarfs past cycles, giving it unmatched firepower. With $29 million in SLF’s coffers alone, the group can outspend opponents in key races. This financial edge is a nightmare for woke Senate hopefuls.
SLF is coordinating with outside groups and the White House to dominate the 2026 midterms. This unified front contrasts with the left’s chaotic coalition of special interests. Conservatives are building a machine to steamroll progressive dreams.
“SLF will continue to be the preeminent outside group dedicated to keeping and expanding the Senate Republican majority,” Latcham declared. His confidence is warranted -- SLF’s cash and strategy are a one-two punch against Democrat overreach. The left’s agenda is on notice.
With early spending, new donors, and a Trump-friendly playbook, SLF is rewriting the midterm game. The group’s record-breaking $85 million haul proves conservatives are ready to fight for a Senate that rejects woke policies. The 2026 midterms just got a lot more interesting.
A New Jersey native turned Coast Guard hero saved 165 lives in Texas’ deadly floods. Scott Ruskan, a 26-year-old rescue swimmer from Oxford, New Jersey, proved that real courage isn’t found in progressive platitudes but in selfless action, as the New York Post reports. While the left obsesses over pronouns, Ruskan risked his life for strangers.
Ruskan, who enlisted in 2021, completed grueling training in California before landing in Corpus Christi, Texas. On July 4, a monstrous rainstorm unleashed catastrophic flash floods in central Texas, claiming at least 80 lives. Ruskan’s first mission would be a trial by fire, far from the safe spaces of woke academia.
Stationed in Texas since November 2024, Ruskan prepped relentlessly, mastering the MH-65 helicopter and rescue swimming. “This is why we take those risks,” he told the Post. His humility shames the self-aggrandizing influencers clogging social media with empty virtue signals.
By July 5, Texas Task Force 1 called for Coast Guard backup near Camp Mystic, a Christian girls’ summer camp. Flooded roads and raging currents left helicopters as the only escape for nearly 200 survivors. Unlike bureaucrats pushing diversity quotas, Ruskan focused on saving lives.
Ruskan’s team, including Blackhawk 60 and MH-65 helicopters, deployed at 7 a.m. Five campers, aged 8 and 9, perished, with one counselor and 11 girls missing. While the left debates “systemic inequities,” Ruskan faced real crises with no time for navel-gazing.
Weight limits grounded Ruskan, so he triaged on-site at Camp Mystic. “I’ll be more helpful on the ground,” he said. His practical mindset cuts through the fog of woke ideology that paralyzes so-called leaders in emergencies.
At the camp, Ruskan comforted shoeless, pajama-clad girls gripped by terror. “My main job was triaging, then comforting these kids,” he said. Contrast that with progressive activists who’d rather lecture than lend a hand in a crisis.
Ruskan directed helicopters to pluck survivors from danger. He called his aircrew “the best we could possibly have.” No DEI checklist here -- just competence and grit, the kind the left can’t seem to value.
Under brutal conditions, Ruskan’s ground leadership saved 165 people. “We did a lot of good that day,” he said, though he mourned the losses. His focus on results over feelings is a rebuke to the victimhood culture peddled by coastal elites.
Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem hailed Ruskan as an “American hero” on social media. Her praise for his “selfless courage” resonates with conservatives tired of seeing heroism sidelined for political correctness. Ruskan embodies the values the left loves to mock.
“I’m just doing a job,” Ruskan said, shrugging off the hero label. His modesty exposes the hollowness of celebrity activists who crave applause for doing nothing. Real heroes don’t need a spotlight -- they need a mission.
Ruskan comforted campers facing “the worst day of their life.” “I can get you guys out of here if we remain calm,” he told them. His steady hand in chaos proves leadership isn’t about hashtags but action.
The mission saved most of Camp Mystic’s survivors, but 11 girls and a counselor remain missing. “The mission’s not over yet,” Ruskan said. While he’s back home, other agencies like the Air National Guard and Texas Task Force 1 keep searching.
Ruskan praised the Coast Guard and local crews still out there. “They’re still out there,” he said, honoring their relentless effort. Unlike woke policies that prioritize optics, these teams prioritize people.
“Any Coast Guard swimmer would’ve done the same,” Ruskan insisted. His deflection of praise highlights a truth the left ignores: duty, not identity, defines heroism. Ruskan’s actions speak louder than any progressive sermon.
President Donald Trump is igniting a patriotic firestorm with a multi-year celebration of America’s 250th anniversary. The semiquincentennial, kicking off in 2026, promises to flex U.S. military, economic, and cultural muscle globally, as Axios reports. Progressive naysayers might clutch their pearls, but this is about unapologetic American pride.
Trump’s vision spans major events like the 2026 FIFA World Cup and the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics, alongside unique additions like a "Great American State Fair" and a UFC fight on the White House lawn. Plans also include a Times Square ball drop and a "Freedom Plane" echoing the 1976 Bicentennial’s Freedom Train. It’s a bold lineup that sidesteps woke sermonizing for pure celebration.
Preparations began under Obama in 2016, but since January, the festivities have taken a distinctly MAGA turn. The White House’s Task Force 250, chaired by Trump via executive order, and the congressional America250 Commission, led by former Fox News producer Ariel Abergel, are driving the effort. This isn’t your typical bipartisan snoozefest -- it’s got Trump’s signature flair.
A rare military parade in Washington, D.C., honoring the Army, served as a soft launch earlier this year. It coincided with “No Kings” and anti-ICE protests, which tried to rain on the patriotic parade but failed to dim its impact. Trump’s team isn’t letting progressive gripes derail the mission.
At the Iowa State Fairgrounds on Thursday night, Trump formally launched the celebrations with a speech touting a major congressional bill passed by Republicans. The event was a rallying cry for American greatness, not a platform for hand-wringing over low patriotic pride reported by some polls. Critics can sulk; patriots will celebrate.
“We’re going to have a big, big celebration,” Trump declared at Arlington Cemetery in May, reflecting on his return to lead the 250th anniversary. His glee at being president for this milestone is infectious, even if it ruffles feathers among the perpetually offended. The man’s got a knack for stealing the spotlight.
Additional military birthday celebrations for the Marines and Navy are slated for this fall. These events will honor America’s fighting forces, a sharp contrast to the left’s obsession with rewriting history. It’s a reminder of who keeps the nation free.
Trump’s proposed “Patriot Games” and a student-focused America’s Field Trip initiative aim to instill pride in the next generation. Unlike progressive curricula pushing guilt and division, these programs will celebrate American heroes and achievements. Kids deserve to learn why this country is worth celebrating.
The National Garden of American Heroes, a sculpture park featuring statues of icons such as Ronald Reagan and Whitney Houston, is targeted for completion by July 2026. The Wall Street Journal noted that Trump personally approved every statue, ensuring a lineup that honors true American legends. No room for woke revisionism here.
Ariel Abergel, America250’s executive director, stated, “We are completely aligned with President Trump’s vision.” Her enthusiasm reflects a team ready to deliver the most patriotic celebration ever, free from the left’s cultural hand-wringing. It’s refreshing to see leadership that doesn’t bow to cancel culture.
The America250 Commission’s foundation includes Trump allies such as fundraiser Meredith O’Rourke and adviser Chris LaCivita, ensuring the project stays true to its bold vision. Donors like Amazon, Coinbase, and the UFC -- companies not afraid to back Trump’s agenda -- are fueling the effort. Corporate America’s waking up to what real patriotism looks like.
State-level programming will amplify the federal push, creating a nationwide wave of celebrations. This decentralized approach ensures local communities can honor America’s milestone without D.C.’s bureaucratic meddling. It’s federalism at its finest, despite the left’s love for top-down control.
Despite record-low patriotic pride reported among some Americans, Trump’s plans are a defiant stand against cultural pessimism. The left’s narrative of a flawed nation won’t overshadow this celebration of America’s triumphs. Patriots don’t need polls to know their country’s worth celebrating.
From the “Freedom Plane” to the White House UFC fight, every event is designed to showcase America’s strength and spirit. These aren’t just spectacles -- they’re a rebuttal to the woke agenda that’s tried to dim national pride. Trump’s betting on Americans who still believe in exceptionalism.
The 250th anniversary is shaping up to be a celebration that cuts through the noise of progressive despair. Trump’s vision is clear: honor America’s past, celebrate its present, and inspire its future. The naysayers can grumble, but this party is just getting started.
Virginia’s war on free speech just took a hit. The Henrico County Circuit Court has approved a consent decree that stops the state from enforcing its 2020 ban on talk therapy for minors grappling with same-sex attraction or gender confusion, as Just the News reports. The progressive push to silence counselors like John and Janet Raymond, a Christian couple, crumbled under the state’s constitutional protections.
The decree, a win for the Raymonds and their Founding Freedoms Law Center, halts Virginia’s attempt to criminalize faith-based counseling for minors. It leans on the Virginia Constitution and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, which set a high bar for stomping on religious convictions. This settlement exposes the left’s overreach in policing private conversations.
Back in 2020, 11 GOP delegates and one senator joined Democrats to pass the ban, signed by then-Gov. Ralph Northam. The law scared the Raymonds into nearly abandoning minor clients, fearing legal repercussions for offering biblical insights. “Every counselor in Virginia will now be able to speak freely,” boasted Founding Freedoms, as if the state ever had the right to gag them.
That claim of free speech rings true, but it’s a bitter pill for progressives who thought they’d won. The Virginia Supreme Court’s rulings in favor of teachers like Peter Vlaming fired for not using a student’s preferred pronouns, set the stage. Vlaming’s $575,000 settlement from the West Point School Board proves the state’s constitution isn’t messing around.
Vlaming’s case wasn’t alone in shaking things up. Loudoun County teacher Tanner Cross, also reinstated by the Virginia Supreme Court, fought against compelled pronoun use and won. These victories emboldened the Raymonds to challenge a law that treated their counseling as a crime.
Another group of Virginia teachers, inspired by Vlaming, settled their lawsuit in December 2024 over forced pronoun compliance. The courts are sending a clear message: Virginia’s religious freedom protections trump woke mandates. It’s a pattern the left can’t ignore, no matter how hard they try.
Nationally, the U.S. Supreme Court is turning up the heat on gender ideology. In recent weeks, it upheld Tennessee’s ban on medicalized gender transitions for minors and restored parental rights to opt out of LGBTQ lessons. It also took up petitions from Idaho and West Virginia to review laws keeping males out of girls’ sports.
These rulings echo the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals’ 2020 decision to strike down conversion therapy bans in Florida’s Palm Beach County and Boca Raton. “If speaking to clients is not speech, the world is truly upside down,” said Judge Britt Grant, nailing the absurdity of these laws. Her words should haunt every bureaucrat trying to regulate words.
Michigan’s 2024 ban on minor conversion therapy is now wobbling under 6th Circuit scrutiny, with Catholic Charities leading the charge. Supported by 11 Republican attorneys general and groups like CAIR Michigan, the case shows even unlikely allies see the danger in silencing speech. The Institute for Justice added, “In today’s information-based economy, ever-greater numbers of people earn their living purely by speaking.”
Founding Freedoms, born on July 1, 2020, to counter Virginia’s anti-faith policies, framed the Raymonds’ victory as a lifeline for parents. “The growing number of parents who are seeking guidance for their struggling children… will finally be able to find knowledgeable counselors,” they said. Yet the left’s obsession with “gender dysphoria as a contagion” ignores families begging for help.
The Raymonds, who sought $50,000 in damages and $1,000 in nominal damages, got neither, and both sides paid their legal fees. Still, the decree ensures Virginia can’t penalize them or other counselors for defying the ban. It’s a practical win, even if the state dodged a financial slap.
The consent decree’s timing, announced earlier this month to mark the ban’s fifth anniversary, was no accident. Founding Freedoms wanted to rub salt in the wound of a law that never should’ve passed. The irony? GOP votes helped create this mess in 2020.
Virginia’s ban was sold as protecting minors, but it robbed them of choice and parents of trusted advisors. The Raymonds’ near-total withdrawal from counseling minors shows the law’s chilling effect. Now, with the ban unenforceable, families can seek counselors who align with their values, not the state’s.
The broader fight against compelled speech is gaining ground, from Virginia classrooms to federal courts. CAIR Michigan’s brief in the Michigan case argued that even pandemic-era restrictions couldn’t justify curbing free expression, let alone “routine regulatory interests.” The left’s playbook of administrative overreach is losing its grip.
Virginia’s retreat from its counseling ban is a warning to woke lawmakers: religious freedom and free speech aren’t negotiable. The Raymonds’ victory, backed by a string of court rulings, proves the tide is turning against policies that prioritize ideology over liberty. Expect more battles, but for now, common sense has a foothold.
June’s job numbers smashed expectations, proving the U.S. economy still has plenty of fight left. Nonfarm payrolls surged by 147,000, blowing past the 110,000 forecast and edging out May’s revised 144,000, as CNBC reports. This isn’t the limp recovery about which the left keeps whining -- it’s a market that’s roaring despite their meddling.
The report, released before a holiday-shortened trading session, showed unemployment dropping to 4.1%, a low not seen since February, while wages grew a modest 3.7% year-over-year, keeping inflation fears at bay. Stocks climbed, Treasury yields spiked, and the labor market shrugged off progressive predictions of doom. Strong government hiring, especially in state and local education, led the charge, though manufacturing took a minor hit.
April’s payrolls got a nice bump, revised up by 11,000 to 158,000. May held steady at 144,000, and June’s 147,000 kept the year’s average at a solid 146,000. This consistency mocks the naysayers who claim Trump’s policies are tanking the economy.
Government jobs soared by 73,000, with 40,000 in state and local education roles. Health care added 39,000, social assistance chipped in 19,000, and construction gained 15,000. Federal jobs, however, dipped by 7,000, thanks to Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency trimming the fat.
“The solid June jobs report confirms that the labor market remains resolute and slams the door shut on a July rate cut,” said Jeff Schulze of ClearBridge Investments. Schulze’s right, but his optimism misses the bigger picture: the Fed’s still dragging its feet, ignoring Trump’s call for lower rates. Powell’s caution is strangling growth.
The unemployment rate’s dip to 4.1% defied forecasts of a 4.3% rise. Even the broader measure, including discouraged workers, fell to 7.7%, a level not seen since January. The left’s narrative of a crumbling job market just got another reality check.
President Donald Trump, never one to mince words, demanded Fed chair Jerome Powell’s resignation on Truth Social this week. “Should resign immediately,” Trump posted, and he’s got a point—Powell’s high-rate obsession is choking small businesses. The Fed’s benchmark rate, stuck at 4.25% to 4.5% since December 2024, isn’t budging despite Trump’s push.
Powell, speaking on July 1, claimed the economy’s strength gives the Fed time to “evaluate data.” Evaluate this, Jerome: markets slashed the odds of a July rate cut to 4.7% from 23.8% after the jobs report. The Fed’s dawdling while businesses beg for relief.
Market watchers now bet on a September rate cut, with only two cuts expected in 2025, down from three. The CME Group’s FedWatch tool confirms it: Powell’s in no rush, and Trump’s right to call him out. This isn’t prudence—it’s bureaucratic inertia.
The labor force participation rate slid to 62.3%, a low not seen since late 2022, as 329,000 more people left the workforce. The household survey reported a meager 93,000 job gain, and 1.8 million people hadn’t job-hunted in the past four weeks. These cracks suggest the market’s strong but not invincible.
“The U.S. job market continues to largely stand tall and sturdy, even as headwinds mount,” wrote Cory Stahle of Indeed Hiring Lab. Stahle’s metaphor about a tent with “fewer poles” is cute but ignores the real issue: progressive policies discouraging work. The left’s handouts aren’t helping participation.
Full-time jobs jumped by 437,000, while part-time roles dropped by 367,000. That’s a win for stable employment, not the gig-economy nonsense the left loves to push. The average workweek, though, ticked down to 34.2 hours, hinting at some employer caution.
Private payrolls gained 74,000, despite ADP’s report of a 33,000 loss. Initial unemployment claims for the week ending June 28 fell to 233,000, beating estimates of 240,000. These numbers prove businesses are adapting, even with the Fed’s foot on the brake.
Wage growth stayed tame at 0.2% month-over-month, signaling no inflation spiral. At 3.7% year-over-year, earnings are rising without fueling the left’s favorite boogeyman: runaway prices. This balance shows Trump’s economic vision is working, despite Powell’s resistance.
The jobs report paints a picture of resilience, but the Fed’s refusal to cut rates risks stalling this momentum. Trump’s push for lower rates is about unleashing growth, not reckless spending. If Powell won’t listen, maybe it’s time for new blood at the Fed.
Zohran Mamdani’s mayoral victory is tainted by his campaign’s ties to Zara Rahim, who once wished death on President Trump. The democratic socialist clinched New York City’s Democratic primary on Tuesday, but his team’s past is raising eyebrows, as the Washington Free Beacon reports. Rahim, a former Barack Obama staffer, brings a trail of controversy that could haunt Mamdani’s bid.
Mamdani, a self-styled progressive, paid Rahim $3,500 for communications consulting in May, banking on her experience to polish his image. Rahim’s resume boasts stints with Obama’s 2012 campaign, Hillary Clinton’s 2016 run, and glitzy clients such as Netflix and Mariah Carey. Yet her political baggage, including a venomous 2020 X post, overshadows her credentials.
Rahim’s career kicked off in Obama’s Office of Digital Strategy in 2013 and 2014, a perch that gave her progressive clout. She later served as a national spokeswoman for Clinton’s failed presidential bid, honing her media chops. But her work with Mamdani—crafting campaign videos and joining him backstage at Meet the Press—has thrust her back into the spotlight.
In October 2020, Rahim posted on X, “I hope he dies,” after Trump’s coronavirus diagnosis. The callous remark, since deleted, sparked outrage when unearthed, forcing her to lock her X account. Such vitriol from a key Mamdani aide raises questions about the campaign’s judgment.
Rahim’s X history is a cesspool of anti-American bile, from “I hate this country” rants to whining about New York’s bagel prices. “This f—ing rules,” she crowed after locking her account, as reported by the Independent, thumbing her nose at accountability. Her juvenile outbursts clash with the gravitas Mamdani claims to embody.
Born to Bangladeshi immigrants, Rahim’s progressive credentials include ties to Columbia University’s Incite Institute, a hub for activist scholarship. She was spotted on Columbia’s campus in spring 2024 amid a pro-Hamas student encampment, though her role remains unclear. Aligning with such causes hardly screams “mainstream appeal” for a mayoral hopeful’s team.
Mamdani’s campaign isn’t just Rahim’s redemption tour; it’s a magnet for controversy. Julian Gerson, Mamdani’s political director, praised alleged United Healthcare CEO killer Luigi Mangione on Facebook, writing, “looking forward to driving down Mangione Avenue.” Gerson’s fawning over a murderer signals a troubling moral compass.
Gerson also lauded Mangione’s defiance of “nihilistic rejection,” framing the killer as a folk hero against corporate greed. Such rhetoric from Mamdani’s inner circle suggests a campaign more enamored with radical posturing than responsible governance. Voters deserve better than this circus.
Adding fuel to the fire, Mamdani previously employed Matthew Thomas, a democratic socialist jailed for three months in Delaware for soliciting sex from a minor. Thomas’s brief tenure reflects Mamdani’s knack for surrounding himself with liabilities. The pattern is impossible to ignore.
Neither Rahim nor Mamdani’s team responded to the Washington Free Beacon’s requests for comment, a deafening silence. Dodging scrutiny only deepens suspicion about the campaign’s values. Transparency, it seems, isn’t on the ballot.
Rahim’s work with high-profile clients like Nike and Uber shows she’s no stranger to slick branding. Yet her toxic X posts and Mamdani’s questionable hires suggest a campaign built on shaky ethical ground. New Yorkers might wonder if this is the leadership they signed up for.
Mamdani’s primary win was a triumph for the democratic socialist crowd, but his allies’ baggage could drag him down. Rahim’s Trump death wish and Gerson’s killer worship aren’t just PR headaches -- they’re red flags. The mayor’s office demands more than radical chic.
Rahim’s presence at Columbia’s pro-Hamas encampment, even if peripheral, ties Mamdani’s campaign to divisive activism. Her “I hate New York” griping doesn’t exactly scream civic pride, either. For a candidate pitching unity, these optics are a disaster.
Gerson’s Facebook posts glorifying Mangione reveal a campaign tone-deaf to public outrage over violence. Praising a killer as a rebel hero isn’t bold -- it’s reckless. Mamdani’s team seems more suited for a protest rally than City Hall.
As Mamdani rides his primary victory, his campaign’s radical undertones and refusal to address controversies paint a troubling picture. New Yorkers craving stability won’t find it in a team that cheers criminals and curses the country. This mayoral race just got a lot uglier.
Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s “Bronx girl” persona just hit a suburban speed bump. Her childhood nickname “Sandy” and Yorktown Heights upbringing have resurfaced, casting doubt on her oft-repeated narrative, as the New York Post reports. Critics are pouncing, and the progressive star is scrambling to rewrite her story.
Born in the Bronx, Ocasio-Cortez moved at age five to Yorktown Heights, a suburban enclave 34 miles north, where she thrived as a top student. The controversy erupted after she doubled down last week on social media, claiming Bronx roots while sparring with President Trump over Iran policy. In one post, she leaned hard into the “Bronx girl” label, prompting a swift backlash.
State Assemblyman Matt Slater, who was a Yorktown High School senior when Ocasio-Cortez was a freshman, reignited the debate by sharing her yearbook photo, which went viral. “She’s embarrassing herself for doing everything possible to avoid saying she grew up in the suburbs,” Slater said. His jab exposes a tension: AOC’s narrative thrives on urban grit, not suburban polish.
At Yorktown High, Ocasio-Cortez was a science standout, earning a top spot at the Intel International Science and Engineering Fair. “She was amazing,” said Michael Blueglass, her science teacher, in a 2018 Halston Media interview. But Blueglass’s praise only fuels the argument that her suburban credentials outshine her Bronx claims.
Blueglass also lauded her ability to simplify complex ideas, calling her “one of the most amazing presenters” he’d seen. “Her ability to take complex information and explain it to all different levels of people was fantastic,” he said. Yet critics argue this skill now serves to dodge questions about her true hometown.
Slater didn’t hold back, accusing her of “desperate attempts to protect the lie that she is from the Bronx.” He pointed to her shifting explanations, from visiting Bronx family to commuting. This inconsistency, he argues, undermines her authenticity as a working-class champion.
Ocasio-Cortez, now 35, pushed back on X, insisting she’s open about her past. “I’m proud of how I grew up and talk about it all the time,” she wrote Friday. But her pride feels like a pivot, sidestepping the suburban elephant in the room.
She also shared details of her childhood hustle, noting, “My mom cleaned houses and I helped.” This paints a scrappy picture, but Yorktown’s manicured lawns hardly scream struggle. The anecdote feels tailored to bolster her Bronx cred, not clarify her roots.
“We cleaned tutors’ homes in exchange for SAT prep,” she added, emphasizing her family’s sacrifices. It’s a compelling story, but critics see it as a distraction from the fact that Yorktown, not the Bronx, shaped her formative years. The math doesn’t add up when the Bronx is a 34-mile commute away.
In 2018, Ocasio-Cortez stunned the political world by defeating Rep. Joe Crowley in the Democratic Party primary for New York’s 14th Congressional District. Her underdog victory leaned heavily on her Bronx-born identity, resonating with voters craving authenticity. But the Yorktown revelations threaten to chip away at that carefully crafted image.
“Growing up between the Bronx and Yorktown deeply shaped my views of inequality,” she claimed on X. It’s a convenient reframe, but her critics aren’t buying it. They argue that her suburban privilege, not urban hardship, defined her path to success.
Slater’s viral yearbook post has forced Ocasio-Cortez into damage control, with each defense raising more questions. “She has said she visited extended family, and she has said she commuted. Now she’s in between,” he said, highlighting her wavering narrative.
The “Sandy” nickname, a relic of her Yorktown days, adds a layer of irony to the saga. It evokes a wholesome, suburban teen, not the firebrand “Bronx girl” she projects. Critics see this as proof she’s been playing fast and loose with her origin story.
Ocasio-Cortez’s defenders might argue she’s entitled to claim both identities, but the optics are brutal. When your brand is built on being the voice of the overlooked, a suburban upbringing feels like a plot twist nobody asked for. Her refusal to fully own Yorktown only deepens the skepticism.
This isn’t just about geography -- it’s about trust. If Ocasio-Cortez can’t be straight about where she grew up, what else is she spinning? For a politician who claims to thrive on moral clarity, this controversy is a self-inflicted wound that won’t heal easily.
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth isn’t waiting for global threats to knock louder. Last week, he summoned top brass from Raytheon, Lockheed Martin, and BAE Systems to a Pentagon powwow, demanding they crank up munitions production to counter depleted U.S. stockpiles and China’s growing shadow, as Just the News reports. His message was clear: the defense industrial base needs to wake up and deliver.
Hegseth convened this closed-door meeting to address the urgent need for more weapons, as U.S. stocks have dwindled from supporting Ukraine, defending Israel, and pounding Houthi targets in Yemen. The meeting followed his justification of U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear sites earlier in June, signaling a no-nonsense approach to national security. Deputy Defense Secretary Steve Feinberg joined, underscoring the administration’s focus on results.
“Our supply chain is definitely weak,” Feinberg admitted in February, blaming decades of government neglect and cozy corporate boardrooms. His candor exposes a truth the progressive elite often dodges: a hollowed-out industrial base can’t deter adversaries like China. Hegseth’s push for private-sector collaboration aims to fix this mess, fast.
The U.S. military’s munitions are running on fumes. Support for Ukraine since 2022, including $31.7 billion in stockpiled weapons, has burned through three Patriot batteries, 3,000 Stinger missiles, and millions of artillery rounds. Add to that the 15–20% of THAAD interceptors used to shield Israel from Iranian missiles in June 2025, and the picture gets grim.
Operation Rough Rider in Yemen didn’t help, expending hundreds of precision munitions to hit 800 Houthi targets by April 2025. “We are using them at an alarming rate,” Admiral James W. Kilby warned on June 24, a reality check for those dreaming of endless global policing. The Navy’s inventories are stretched thin, and restocking isn’t keeping pace.
Hegseth invoked World War II’s “Arsenal of Democracy,” pointing to Ford’s Willow Run plant, which churned out a B-24 bomber every 63 minutes. The Heritage Foundation notes that the era’s output—17 aircraft carriers, 300,000 planes, 50,000 tanks -- dwarfs today’s anemic production. Modern defense contractors, bloated and slow, can’t match that grit.
China’s navy, with over 400 warships, dwarfs the U.S.’s 296, and its shipbuilding capacity is 200 times larger. Taiwan, staring down a potential Chinese invasion, waits on what was pegged as a $21.54 billion U.S. weapons backlog as of April. If conflict erupts, the U.S. defense industrial base might not deliver in time.
“As President Trump has stated, our policy is peace through strength,” Hegseth declared in June, rejecting the left’s appeasement fantasies. His call to revive the defense industrial base aligns with Trump’s April executive order to streamline procurement and spark innovation. The woke crowd might scoff, but strength deters wars.
Meanwhile, Russia’s war machine hums, replacing 3,000 tanks and 13,000 artillery systems lost in Ukraine while planning 1,500 more tanks in 2025. Their 250,000 monthly artillery shells triple U.S. and European stockpiles combined. Hegseth’s urgency reflects a stark reality: adversaries aren’t slowing down.
Some progress is visible. Lockheed Martin delivered the eighth THAAD battery this month, boosting U.S. missile defense, with Dawn Golightly calling it a “game-changing asset.” Yet, her corporate cheerleading sidesteps the broader issue: one battery won’t close the gap against near-peer threats.
Raytheon secured a $1.1 billion Navy contract to produce 2,500 AIM-9X Block II missiles annually, a step forward Barbara Borgonovi hailed as “historic.” But when Sen. Mitch McConnell noted on June 24 that “our industry is not producing them fast enough,” he wasn’t wrong. Bureaucratic inertia still chokes the pipeline.
BAE Systems partnered with the Army’s DEVCOM-AC to upgrade the M109-52 Howitzer, with Dan Furber promising a “significant leap” in capability. Sounds great, but the U.S. produces only 135 tanks yearly and no new Bradley vehicles. World War II’s industrial might feels like a distant memory.
Admiral Samuel Paparo warned in February that “our magazines run low,” with maintenance backlogs plaguing every service branch. His blunt assessment cuts through the Pentagon’s usual spin, exposing a military stretched thin by global commitments. Hegseth’s meeting was a wake-up call to reverse this slide.
“DoD must increase critical munitions stockpiles,” Steven Morani urged in June, highlighting production capacity too small for rising demand. The left’s obsession with social engineering in the military ignores this nuts-and-bolts crisis. Hegseth’s focus on lethality over ideology is a refreshing shift.
The Pentagon’s challenge is steep, but not impossible. Trump’s executive order and Hegseth’s pressure on contractors signal a return to prioritizing national security over woke distractions. If the defense industry can channel even a fraction of Willow Run’s spirit, America might just stay ahead of its foes.
