The House passed the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act by a 262, 159 vote Wednesday, sending a bill that authorizes tariffs of up to 100 percent on countries buying Russian energy to President Trump, who is expected to sign it into law.
The legislation clears Congress with broad bipartisan margins after the Senate approved it last month 86, 11. It marks the final major piece of unfinished business championed by the late Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, who died at 71 following a trip to Ukraine where he pressed lawmakers to act on the very sanctions package that now bears his name.
Rep. Michael McCaul, the Texas Republican who led the floor fight for passage, framed the vote in personal and strategic terms. He told colleagues the bill would force Russian President Vladimir Putin to the negotiating table and keep his ambitions in check, preventing him from pushing deeper into Eastern Europe.
McCaul did not let the moment pass without honoring the man whose name is on the bill. As the New York Post reported, McCaul delivered a direct appeal to his colleagues:
"Lindsey Graham once said this bill would be his great achievement. I can think of no better way... to honor his life and his legacy than by passing these tough sanctions."
He added a broader call to action.
"Evil is on the march, history is calling, and now is the time to act."
Graham had spent his final days in Kyiv pushing the sanctions package before his death. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky met with lawmakers to urge passage and watched an early procedural vote from a seat in the Senate chamber, a rare visual underscoring the stakes Kyiv attaches to the measure.
The bill targets both Russia and Iran. It hits entities that support the Kremlin's war on Ukraine and aims to curb funding for Iranian energy and weapons programs. Its most potent tool: authority for Trump to impose tariffs of up to 100 percent on any country that buys Russian energy. China and India, the two largest purchasers of Russian crude, would fall squarely within that scope.
House Democrats lined up against the bill despite the lopsided Senate vote. Their argument centered not on the sanctions themselves but on the tariff authority the legislation hands to the president.
Rep. Don Beyer, a Virginia Democrat, led the opposition case on the floor:
"President Trump has abused every presidential tariff authority, every single one, that Congress has given often to target our allies."
Beyer went further, arguing the bill contains a structural weakness that could be exploited well beyond its stated purpose:
"The bill has a loophole that would allow him to define basically any country as a facilitator evading Russian sanctions."
That argument failed to persuade enough members to block the bill. The 262, 159 margin means a significant number of lawmakers crossed the aisle, the Senate had already demonstrated bipartisan appetite with its 86, 11 vote. Speaker Mike Johnson managed the floor carefully, aware that strong Democratic opposition meant he could not afford many Republican defections.
The Democratic complaint deserves scrutiny on its own terms. Congress has spent years debating how much tariff discretion to grant any president. Some of the same Senate Democrats who voted to expand presidential tariff power have since expressed second thoughts, a pattern that makes the objection look less like principled restraint and more like buyer's remorse dressed up as foreign-policy concern.
The bill's tariff provision is its sharpest edge. By authorizing levies of up to 100 percent on countries purchasing Russian energy, Congress is giving the president a tool that could reshape global energy trade. China and India have been the primary beneficiaries of discounted Russian crude since Western sanctions began, and both would face enormous economic pressure if the tariffs were imposed at or near the ceiling.
The broader sanctions strategy fits within an administration approach that has leaned heavily on economic pressure across multiple fronts. The White House has bet on sanctions as a primary tool against Iran as well, and the new legislation doubles down on that bet by targeting Iranian energy and weapons programs alongside the Russia provisions.
Whether the tariff authority will be used aggressively or held in reserve as leverage remains an open question. The bill's text, as described in reporting, does not specify conditions or limitations on presidential discretion beyond the 100 percent cap. That ambiguity is precisely what Beyer flagged, and precisely what gives the provision its teeth.
Lindsey Graham did not live to see the vote. The South Carolina senator died at 71 after a brief and sudden illness following his trip to Ukraine. Photo records place him in Kyiv as late as July 10, 2026, meeting with Zelensky. He spoke at a press conference at the U.S. Capitol on April 27, 2026, months before his death, still pushing the sanctions package that had become his signature cause.
The bill's passage through both chambers with overwhelming margins vindicates Graham's years of work. The Senate vote of 86, 11 was not close. The House vote of 262, 159 was more contested, but the margin was still comfortable. The broader administration posture on sanctions as a foreign-policy instrument suggests the White House will welcome the new authority.
President Trump is expected to sign the bill into law. When he does, the legislation will stand as the most significant congressional action on Russia sanctions since the early days of the Ukraine conflict, and it will carry the name of a senator who spent his final days making sure it happened.
Congress took its time. But when it comes to holding Moscow and Tehran accountable, late is better than never, and a 262-vote majority speaks louder than any floor speech.
