Adam Hamawy, an Iraq War veteran and controversial Democratic candidate endorsed by the "Squad," has won the Democratic primary for retiring Rep. Bonnie Watson Coleman's U.S. House seat in New Jersey, despite weeks of scrutiny over his past volunteer work with a charity the 9/11 Commission linked to Osama bin Laden's terror-financing network.
Hamawy's primary victory hands Democrats a nominee whose background reads like a contradiction designed in a lab. He saved the life of Sen. Tammy Duckworth after a helicopter crash in Iraq. He also interned, in 1994, with the Benevolence International Foundation in Bosnia, a now-defunct organization that federal prosecutors and the 9/11 Commission tied directly to al-Qaeda.
His campaign dismissed questions about the internship as "absurd" and "bigoted." But the questions are not going away, and they are grounded in federal documents, not innuendo.
The 9/11 Commission Report described the Benevolence International Foundation's operation in Bosnia as part of an "impressive array of offices [that] covertly provided financial and other support for terrorist activities" by Osama bin Laden during the 1990s. That language is not ambiguous. The commission was describing a network that funneled money and logistics to al-Qaeda under the cover of humanitarian work.
A 2003 court filing went further. It alleged al-Qaeda used Benevolence International as a front "to establish a base for operations in Europe against Al Qaeda's true enemy, the United States."
Hamawy's internship with the foundation took place in 1994, squarely within the period the commission flagged. The New York Post reported that the internship, along with Hamawy's association with the infamous "Blind Sheikh" and his intense criticism of Israel, made him a lightning rod on the campaign trail. Breitbart reported that Hamawy has never been charged with or accused of working on behalf of Islamic terrorism.
That distinction matters. No one has alleged Hamawy personally supported terrorism. But the organization he chose to work with was not some obscure charity that turned out to have a bad bookkeeper. It was an entity the federal government identified as a covert arm of the deadliest terrorist network in modern history.
The web around Benevolence International extends beyond Hamawy. Jewish Insider reported that records show Saffet Catovic, a New Jersey native, served as counselor and second deputy ambassador at the Bosnian mission in New York in 1994, the same year Hamawy interned with the foundation in Bosnia.
By December 2001, the time of the first federal raids on Benevolence International's offices outside Chicago, Catovic was widely quoted as the foundation's spokesman. The timeline raises obvious questions about the circles in which Hamawy moved during his time with the group, and who else in those circles maintained ties to the foundation as it drew federal attention.
None of this has been addressed in any detail by Hamawy or his campaign. The campaign's entire public response, as reported, amounts to two words: "absurd" and "bigoted." That is not an answer. It is a deflection.
Hamawy secured the endorsement of the so-called "Squad," the bloc of far-left House Democrats known for their hostility toward Israel and their willingness to push the Democratic Party's boundaries on foreign policy. That endorsement helped him win a primary for a safe Democratic seat, meaning Hamawy is now the heavy favorite to join Congress.
The pattern is becoming familiar. A Squad-backed socialist recently captured a Philadelphia primary in one of the nation's most Democratic districts, signaling that far-left candidates continue to find footholds in deep-blue territory where general elections are formalities.
Hamawy's case, however, adds a layer that goes beyond standard progressive policy fights over taxes or health care. This is a candidate whose résumé includes direct contact with an organization the U.S. government identified as a terror-financing front. Voters in New Jersey's primary either did not know, did not care, or accepted the campaign's framing that the questions were out of bounds.
The Squad's track record in primaries is uneven. In Illinois, Squad-backed Democrats went 0 for 6 as voters rejected far-left candidates across the board. New Jersey proved more hospitable.
Hamawy's military service is real and significant. The New York Post noted he made national headlines for saving Sen. Duckworth's life after her helicopter was hit in Iraq. He also drew attention for volunteer work in the Gaza Strip. His biography is not one-dimensional.
But biography is not immunity. A candidate for the United States Congress who interned with a charity later identified by the 9/11 Commission as part of al-Qaeda's financial infrastructure owes the public more than a two-word dismissal. The voters of New Jersey deserve to know what Hamawy did during that 1994 internship, what he knew about the foundation's operations, and whether he maintained any contact with figures tied to the organization after its true nature became public.
The "Blind Sheikh" association, referenced by the New York Post but not elaborated upon in detail, raises its own set of questions. What was the nature of that association? When did it occur? Hamawy's campaign has not provided answers.
Earlier reporting on Hamawy's candidacy flagged these same concerns before the primary. Democratic primary voters had access to the information. They chose him anyway.
Bonnie Watson Coleman's seat is safely Democratic. Barring an extraordinary turn, Hamawy will represent New Jersey in the U.S. House of Representatives. He will sit on committees, vote on defense and intelligence matters, and have access to classified briefings.
The Republican nominee, whoever emerges, will have an obvious line of attack. But in a district drawn for Democrats, attack lines may not be enough.
The deeper problem is institutional. The Democratic Party's vetting process either failed to surface these issues or decided they were not disqualifying. The Squad's endorsement machine treated Hamawy's background as a feature, not a bug. And a campaign that called legitimate questions "bigoted" was rewarded with a primary win.
That word, "bigoted", deserves scrutiny of its own. Asking a congressional candidate about his documented work with an organization the federal government tied to al-Qaeda is not bigotry. It is the bare minimum of due diligence. Congressional accountability debates have grown more heated in recent years, and for good reason. The public has a right to know who is seeking power and what baggage they carry.
Hamawy's campaign used the accusation of bigotry as a shield, a way to make the questioner the story instead of the question. It worked in the primary. Whether it works under the brighter lights of a general election and a congressional term remains to be seen.
If Hamawy takes office, he will join a Democratic caucus already strained by internal divisions over Israel, foreign policy, and the influence of its far-left wing. His presence will sharpen those tensions. His past will follow him into every committee hearing and every floor vote on national security.
The 9/11 Commission did not mince words about Benevolence International. Federal prosecutors did not mince words. The only people mincing words are the ones asking voters to look the other way.
When a party's primary voters send a candidate with this kind of background to Congress, the rest of the country is entitled to ask what, exactly, that party stands for, and what it is willing to overlook to win a seat.
